The legacy of Allama Iqbal has long been the subject of intense debate, with contrasting schools of thought vying to claim his ideological allegiance. On one side are those who highlight the revolutionary fervor in his poetry, interpreting it as a reflection of Marxist ideals. On the other, traditionalists assert that Iqbal’s deep-seated religiosity is fundamentally at odds with the principles of Marxism, which they argue is inherently antithetical to religion. However, there were poets like Jaun Elia too, who challenged this binary narrative, suggesting that the perceived conflict between religion and communism is not intrinsic but a construct introduced by defenders of capitalism to delegitimize Marxist ideals.
One of Iqbal’s often-quoted verses from Armaghan-e-Hijaz is frequently cited to argue that Iqbal likened Marx to a maseeha (savior) or a paighamber (messenger of God):
“Woh Kaleem Be-Tajalli, Woh Maseeh Be-Saleeb
Neest Peghambar Wa Lekin Dar Baghal Darad Kitab.”
(That Moses without Light, that Jesus without the Cross:
No prophet is he, yet with him a book he carries.)
This verse reflects Iqbal’s acknowledgment of Marx’s intellectual stature and the revolutionary power of his ideas. By likening Marx to a prophet who carries a “book,” some interpret this as Iqbal elevating Marx to the stature of a prophet. However, others argue that Iqbal’s use of the term paighamber in this context should not be understood in the religious sense of a prophet of God. Linguistically, the word paighamber is derived from the Persian terms paigam (message) and bar (carrier), meaning anyone who carries a message. In common usage, it does not refer to a divine prophet unless explicitly tied to the term “of God.”
In his philosophical magnum opus, Javid Nama, Iqbal’s views on Marx and communism become more explicit. He describes Marx as a “false prophet,” devoid of divine guidance, whose philosophy reduces human existence to materialism. Iqbal critiques Marx’s central tenet—Das Kapital, which he calls the “Bible of Communism”—for its rejection of God, the soul, and the afterlife. For Iqbal, this secular, materialist worldview was fundamentally flawed and antithetical to the spiritual essence of human existence. Iqbal’s critique of Marxism extends to the philosophical foundations of communism itself. He writes:
“Deen-e-ān peyghambar-e-haq nā-shenās
Dar shikam juyand jān-e-pāk rā
Juz ba tan kārī nahīr dārad ishtirāk
Bar masāwat-e-shikam dārād asās.”
(The religion of this prophet, who denies God, is built on the equality of stomachs. Brotherhood, however, resides in the heart, and its seed is sown in the spiritual essence of man, not in the material body.)
Despite this criticism of Marxism’s materialist philosophy, He was among the first poets in Asia to recognize the revolutionary significance of the Soviet Union’s October Revolution of 1917. His optimism reflected his belief that the October Revolution had inaugurated a new global consciousness. However, his admiration for its transformative potential did not entail abandoning his belief in God and the moral framework of the Quran. Instead, he viewed socialism’s emphasis on equality and justice as complementary to the spiritual tenets of Islam.
In a letter written to Sir Francis Younghusband in 1931, Allama Iqbal reflected on the intersection of Bolshevism and religion, presenting a nuanced view of Russia’s ideological trajectory. He observed:
“I do not myself believe that the Russians are by nature an irreligious people. On the contrary, I think that they are men and women of strong religious tendencies, and the present negative state of the Russian mind will not last indefinitely, for no system of society can rest on an atheistic basis. As soon as things settle down in that country and its people have time to think calmly, they will be forced to find a positive foundation for their system. Since Bolshevism plus God is almost identical with Islam, I should not be surprised if in the course of time either Islam would devour Russia or Russia Islam.”
Iqbal’s perspective here is striking, reflecting his admiration for certain aspects of Bolshevism while maintaining his critique of Marxism’s atheistic foundations. For Iqbal, the social and economic egalitarianism championed by Marxism bore striking similarities to Islamic principles, but he remained firm in his belief that no system could endure without a spiritual and moral anchor.
However, this stance raises important questions about Iqbal’s rejection of Marxism on religious grounds. While Iqbal viewed Marxism’s materialist and atheistic framework as fundamentally flawed, Marx himself offered a more layered understanding of religion. In his essay On the Jewish Question, Marx critiqued the secular state and its relationship to religion but recognized the right to religious practice as a fundamental human liberty. Contrary to the simplistic portrayal of Marxism as inherently hostile to religion, Marx sought to analyze the social roots of religious belief.
Marx argued that religion, rather than being an inherent problem, was a reflection of the material conditions of society. His famous assertion that religion is the “opium of the people” was not a call to attack faith ideologically but to address the social and economic realities that perpetuate the need for it. Marxism, as a materialist philosophy, aims to eliminate the conditions of exploitation and alienation that sustain religious dependency, not by erasing religion forcibly but by transforming society so that such dependence naturally dissipates. Therefore, Iqbal’s concerns about Marxism’s atheism might be seen as an incomplete reading of Marx’s intentions.
In fact, Iqbal’s own critique of the capitalist system in his poem “Lenin Khuda ke Huzoor Mein” (Lenin in the Presence of God) aligns with Marx’s analysis of exploitation and inequality, though his perspective on religion diverges.
“Tu qadir o adil hai magar tere jahan mein
Hain talkh bahut banda-e-mazdoor ke auqaat.”
(You have power over everything, O Lord, and You are just,
But the conditions of the laborer are unbearably harsh.)
“Kab doobay ga sarmaya parasti ka safeena
Duniya hai teri muntazir-e-roz-e-mukafaat.”
(When will the ship of capitalism sink?
The world awaits the day of reckoning from You.)
Iqbal’s revolutionary fervor was tempered by his spiritual vision. While critiquing capitalism as exploitative, he found Marxism lacking the moral and ethical dimensions he valued, despite agreeing with some of its economic critiques.
In The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam, Iqbal articulates his belief in the enduring significance of religious experience, stating:
“The revealed and mystic literature of mankind bears ample testimony to the fact that religious experience has been too enduring and dominant in the history of mankind to be rejected as mere illusion. There seems to be no reason, then, to accept the normal level of human experience as fact and reject its other levels as mystical and emotional.”
Iqbal’s ideas, especially those in The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam, also share similarities with Shah Waliullah’s perspective on societal transformation. Waliullah advocated for a radical overhaul of societal structures, using the term Fakku Kulli Nizām to suggest not only political change but a broader societal shift toward justice. His view on the evolution of civilizations, from primitive stages to caliphates, mirrors Marx’s later ideas on social revolution, though their underlying ideologies and contexts diverge.
Iqbal’s alignment with Waliullah’s vision of societal transformation is further reflected in his poetry, where his calls for social justice and awakening echo the radical societal shift that Iqbal himself envisioned. This is vividly captured in Iqbal’s Farman-i-Khuda (God’s Command), which features the line, “Uttho meri duniya ke ghareebon ko jaga do” (“Rise and awaken the poor ones of my world from their slumber”). This call was echoed by Habib Jalib, who responded, “Allama Iqbal had assigned us the duty to raise and awaken the poor of my country,” and wrote a poem as a tribute to Iqbal’s Farman-i-Khuda.
In his poem, Jalib writes:
“Log uthte hain jab tere ghareebon ko jagane
Sab shehar ke zardar pahunch jaate hain thane”
(“When people rise to awaken your poor, the wealthy of the city rush to the police stations”).
Jalib continues:
“Kehte hain yeh daulat humein bakhshi hai khuda ne
Farsudah bahane wahi afsaane purane”
(“They claim that God has gifted them this wealth; the same worn-out excuses, the same old tales”).
While their ideological approaches differed—Jalib was a staunch communist, and Iqbal’s vision was deeply rooted in a faith-based approach—both poets stood united in their empathy for the oppressed and their disdain for systemic injustice.
For Iqbal, faith was not only a spiritual compass but also a force capable of inspiring moral and social transformation. Dr. Abdul Haleem Hilal, in his book Social Philosophy of Sir Muhammad Iqbal, highlights Iqbal’s belief that the Qur’an provides solutions for humanity’s economic challenges. Iqbal viewed unrestrained capitalism as a destructive force but rejected the notion of its complete abolition. Instead, he advocated for its regulation through principles enshrined in Islam, such as inheritance laws and obligatory charity. For Iqbal, these measures ensured wealth did not become a tool for exploitation, maintaining a balance where labor and capital operated harmoniously within their prescribed roles. He argued that true socialism—one free from the extremes of Bolshevism or unbridled capitalism—could only emerge within the moral and legal framework of Islam.
This nuanced critique takes two distinct forms within Islamic discourse on socialism. The first asserts that Islam inherently embodies the values of socialism, making external socialist ideologies redundant. The second positions socialism as fundamentally incompatible with Islamic principles. Both arguments often misrepresent socialism’s essence, either by equating it wholesale with Islamic teachings or by caricaturing it to highlight perceived flaws.
Proponents of the “Islam is socialism” argument claim that Islam already incorporates socialism’s core ideals—brotherhood, justice, equality through its moral and economic frameworks. They point to Zakat (charity), Mirath (inheritance laws), and Riba (prohibition of interest) as evidence that Islam addresses socio-economic inequalities. It is often pointed out that Iqbal was also sympathetic to a form of spiritual socialism that resonates with the principles of Islam. However, the evidence provided by critics against the idea of Islamic socialism is rooted in the belief that the Islamic framework of social justice stands entirely apart from all the “isms” of the modern world. Iqbal himself believed that the Islamic structure of social justice is unique and cannot be categorized under any of the prevalent political or economic systems, such as Communism, Socialism, Capitalism, or Feudalism. As noted by Mohammad Qutb in his book Islam, The Misunderstood Religion (Kuwait Edition), Islam is not a system that can be labeled within these ideologies. It is neither a democracy nor a dictatorship nor does it accommodate any form of extreme governance.
The most important aspects of Iqbal’s intellectual journey can be broken down into several key points.
First, Iqbal unarguably drew significant inspiration from the Bolshevik Revolution and Marxism. However, while he admired the revolution’s egalitarian ethos, Iqbal remained firmly rooted in Islamic principles, rejecting both Marxism’s atheistic worldview and fundamentalist interpretations of Islam.
Just like Iqbal, Maulana Obaidullah Sindhi identified a resonance between Marxism and Islam and appreciated communism’s rise as a response to the systemic oppression of the downtrodden. However, he also articulated a clear distinction, stating, “Communism is not a natural law system but rather is a reaction to oppression; the natural law is offered by Islam.”
Second, Iqbal’s intellectual journey had its contradictions, such as blending the ideals of “Khudi” (selfhood) with influences from Western thinkers like Nietzsche and Bergson. His intellectual trajectory reveals a complex and sometimes contradictory approach, especially when it comes to the political, democratic, and social framework of an Islamic state. Iqbal, however, also emphasized the importance of Ijtihad, or independent reasoning, urging Muslims to reinvent and reconstruct Islamic thought to meet the challenges of the modern world. He believed that Islam, far from being a static tradition, encourages exploration and reasoning, as promoted by the Quran, to find modern solutions to contemporary issues.
Lastly, in the context of early 20th-century upheavals, socialism and Marxist ideals emerged as powerful forces advocating for the rights of the oppressed. Iqbal, recognizing their growing influence and relevance, found these ideologies to be the most effective vehicles for addressing societal inequities. They resonated with his vision of justice and equality, and he saw them as a means to amplify his ideas and connect with the masses more effectively.
(The views expressed are personal to author and do not represent Heritage Times)
